The Precariat as social class is a core issue in social sciences. The authors contribute to this debate by introducing two approaches to measures the size and the social charateristics of the Precariat using two quantitative database. They estimate the size of the Precariat as a group on the labour market, and compare its social position with two other labour groups of the seg-mentation theory (the secondary and the lower primary). They found that while the standard of living condition of the Precariat is more akin to the secundary segment, the values and the level of satisfaction is more similar to the lower primary segment.

The paper seeks to understand the influences of development policy initiatives on territorial in-tegration. Through the analysis of Vértes Nature Park case study we aimed at exploring whether the territorial relationships of the stakeholders can be restructured by spatially based develop-ment. The aim of the paper is to present the mechanisms of territorial integration by a case study analysis of rural territorial development.Our findings show that the participation and involvement of stakeholders in rural develop-ment are determined by their role and status in the initiative, thus the initiator actors are the more active ones. The territorial relationships of stakeholders are increased and strengthened by the level of involvement in the activities of Vértes Nature Park. Nevertheless, the territorial closeness also affects the stakeholders’ involvement. Csákvár and its surroundings have central position in this territorial relationship. The acceptance of the principals of the initiatives is also affected by the territorial closeness and it limits the contested development initiatives.

In the study, using data from an international research (Myplace), relying on the theory of
social representations, we examined the understanding of radicalism of young people aged 15
to 26 and living in two towns in Hungary (Ózd and Sopron) which differ significantly regarding
their political socialization. In accordance with an empirical method based on the theory,
we analyzed the relationship between young people’s attitudes towards nationalism and the
democratic principles and the representation of radicalism, following the structural and content
characterization of the representation of radicalism through the quantification of associational
responses received in the questionnaire survey conducted in 2012.

The paper analyses young people’s interpretation of the past, evaluation of the present and po-litical behaviour patterns based on semi-structured interviews (n=60) conducted in two contra-sting constellations of modernization, Sopron and Ózd. First the perception of the most pressing social and political problems, second the potential of political and civic actions are compared. Finally an attempt is made to outline a ‚hopeless’ and an ‚indifferent’ idealtype of political cultu-re. Together they create the opportunity for both the birth of antidemocratic tendencies and the space in which they can evolve. In this sense they provide the preconditions for ‚mainstreaming the extreme’ that is the incubation of radicalism in Hungary.

One of the most important challenges of today’s society is to fight early school dropout, and integrate the socially disadvantaged youth to the labour market. Research programs investigate the reasons, causes and solutions for the phenomena. Current statistics and analytical attempts, however, provide very few insights into the family ties, friend relations, financials, thoughts, goals and everyday life of the targeted youth. Our research aims to explore these areas through structured exploratory interviews with participants aged 15 to 19 who have already experienced or are in danger of early school dropout from a second chance provider secondary school.

According to different statements more and more youngsters, under 25 years of age, appear in Public Work Programs at the present time in Hungary. Even it occurs more frequently that pa-rents, primarily because of financial reasons, take out their children from school, and send them to public workers.This paper draws attention to this phenomenon. Furthermore, it shows a possible paral-lel between those young people who are in JWT (Job Without Training) and those Hungarian youngsters who are working in Public Work Programs reflecting on the Hungarian particulari-ties of this parallel.
The concept of JWT and its categories are presented, and also which of these categories may connect with the Hungarian public workers’ state of being. Statistical data show the rate of public workers and their gender breakdown. Reports also suggest that the rate of young public workers is growing and their situation may become futureless.The author thinks that the growth of young public workers’ rate and their settled situation in this employment sector is likely to make inevitable for them to become NEET in the future.

The study is based on G. Mars and Y. Altman, "The cultural bases of soviet Georgia's se-cond economy" (Soviet Studies 1983. Vol. XXXV [4]: 546-560), and G. Mars and Y. Altman, "The cultural bases of Soviet Central Asia's second economy (Uzbekistan and Tajikistan)", 1986 (Central Asian Survey 5 [3-4]: 195-204). The second economy, as the socialist version of the informal economy proposed by Grossman1 , can be defined as the set of economic activities that are aimed at personal gain and are in opposition to the current legal regulations. In this sense, Altman also considers all economic transactions that are in opposition to the current legislation to be informal.2 In the Soviet Union, at least in the period up to Gorbachev's reform, the second economy was a significant area of the economy, forming a continuum where, for example, there was no private ownership of agricultural land, but where goods grown at home (in the backyard) could be sold in markets, and where the kolhoz and the sovhoz (the Hungarian equivalents of the tsz and the state farm) had very different farming conditions.