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  • The 2019 local elections in Szeged
    52-66
    Views:
    22

    The 2019 local, municipal election outclasses the second-order elections in the given political constellation. This is especially true in the case of Szeged, where the opposition – unlike the situation at the national level – has the power for a long time. To change this situation, the governing parties, taking advantage of their dominant position – and using all means – conducted a very vigorous campaign, changing the city into a battlefield. According to the results, the governemt’s attempt was not successfull, it was rather contraproductive. The reigning mayor and city management won an unprecedented victory. The root cause of it is a special urban policy which extracted the local politics from the partyfights and overrode party interests, and which represented the interests of the city succesfully and with credibility even against cross-wind. Based on the cooperation of the entire opposition the implemented urban policy is symbolized by and embodied in the person of the mayor in office since 2002.

  • Political reorganization in the shadow of the pandemic and war: The 2022 Latvian parliamentary election and its consequences
    73-94
    Views:
    40

    Latvia’s party system has been one of the most unstable in European comparison since the 1990s, essentially since independence and democratization. Although there was a period in the middle of the 2010s, which showed the stabilization of the range of relevant parties and a decrease in the number of parties, by the end of the decade the fluctuation between the parties of the Baltic republics was again high. The Kariņš cabinet, formed after a record long time after the 2018 election, nevertheless set a unique record in the country: it was the first government to complete a full four-year parliamentary term. The government faced two challenges during its tenure, the pandemic that began in the spring of 2020, and the Russian aggression against Ukraine that began on February 24, 2022. Both had a significant impact on the development of the party structure. The aim of this paper is to present the changes in the political palette of Latvian parties in the last two legislative cycles, to analyze the results of the October 2022 election, giving priority to the effects of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the transformation of the party structure and the results of the elections.

  • What’s the matter? A text mining analysis of political topics and user engagement on politicians’ Facebook pages during the 2018 Hungarian general election campaign
    94-123.
    Views:
    16

    The research investigates the way users interact with leading topics of the 2018 Hungarian
    general election campaign on candidates’ Facebook pages. It expects that the prominent
    (immigration, corruption) and campaign-related topics generate more user engagement, while
    policy topics and mobilization content are less interacted. It also tests the theory of issue ownership
    in relation with user engagement. These expectations are tested on a dataset that includes all
    posts (38030 posts) posted by all candidates during the campaign (511 candidates). Topics
    are identified by text mining methods. The study demonstrates that corruption, development
    policy and campaign are highly engaged topics, while immigration was more interacted only on
    opposition politicians’ pages since the followers of pro-government candidates engage less with
    immigration-related content. The most surprising result is that a reversed issue ownership effect
    can be detected since politicians are generally less successful with their own topics.

  • 2019 Nyíregyháza City Council election: The Rawlsian interpretation of the local electoral reform
    67-92
    Views:
    26

    One of the main perspectives and urgent tasks of the newly formed government following the general elections of 2010 was to reform the local eletoral system. It is true, that the number of seats of the local representative bodies were significantly decreased, but it begs the question whether this change can reasonably explain the fact that the government considered this step as one of the first and most significant measures of its governance. To raise this question is justified by the fact that the reform (Act No. L of 2010 on the election of local government representatives and mayors) was introduced on June 14, 2010, with only sixteen days after the new Parliament approved and voted for the government’s program, and elected Viktor Orbán as prime minister of Hungary. After a brief presentation of the institutional framewortk of the local electoral system, the aim of this paper is twofold: first, I would examine whether the local electoral reform of 2010 could be considered as a „fair” step, based on John Ralws’ conception of „justice as fairness”, second, I would like to explain the actual process of transforming votes into local legislative seats in the case of the city of Nyíregyháza, in 2019.

  • The 2022 Italian election under the microscope
    53-72
    Views:
    70

    The 2022 parliamentary elections marked a turning point for the Italian political system in many ways. As a result of the measures approved and introduced over the past almost ten years to change the electoral system (electoral reforms, decisions of the Constitutional Court, constitutional amendments, parliamentary reforms, etc.), Italian voters had the opportunity to elect the new members of both chambers of the parliament under the same electoral system, for the first time in the Republican era. The purpose of the article is to present the steps leading to this historic moment by analysing in detail the different measures affecting the electoral system and their impact. The paper then describes the electoral results and explains the processes leading to the vast victory of Italy’s first female Prime Minister, with a particular focus on the return to the bipolar logic favoured by the electoral system following the release of the three-pole system in 2013.

  • Mobilization incongruence in the Hungarian local electioms
    5-24
    Views:
    27

    In local elections, national voting patterns are often not repeated as results show significant incongruence in terms of turnout, party performance and seat shares. Political science explains these various differences with several distinct theoretical frameworks that approach this incongruence from the aspect of voter behavior. The aim of this study is not to provide an alternative for these conventional explanations but to complement them with the detailed analysis of mobilization in an attempt to clear up certain gaps in the models. My main proposition is that parties can mobilize their supporters for the local elections with differing effectiveness producing incongruence in voter turnout and seat shares. In the capital and in the larger cities there is a mobilization gap mainly affecting left-wing voters that causes lower turnout and weaker electoral performance by these parties. This gap can most probably be explained by a combination of social and institutional factors and has a profound effect on election outcomes.

  • Contributions to the Regulation of the Referendum after 2013
    5-25
    Views:
    21

    The purpose of this paper is to define and show the nature and functions of the referendum in
    general, and to examine the legislative regulation of its institution in Hungary after 2013.
    The brief introduction will be followed by an analysis of some of the institutional and
    instrumental features of the referendum in the context of the constitutional law. Special attention
    will be paid to the question raised by, and to the pros and cons of the referendum held in 2016.
    The legal aspects and social consequences of this invalid referendum will be emphasized.

  • The Suppression of Discourse: The Hidden Internet Communities Related to the Alt-right and the US Presidential Elections of 2016
    62-80
    Views:
    13

    I examine the US presidential election of 2016 and how hidden groups related to the alt-right
    manipulated the social media with hoaxes and memes. I examine some of the media platforms
    and forums where these contents mainly appeared during the campaign and I also present the
    anatomy of the groups’ previous actions, and from these I attempt to demonstrate that their
    efforts are coordinated and their methods have become more sophisticated in the recent years.