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• The EU states innovation and competitiveness clusters in 2013

  22-36

  Gábor Balda

  Views:

  24

  In the era of the innovation economy it is natural that innovation is one of the key definitions, because of its literature is excessively far-reaching: global, micro and macro level, in connection of
  the business and non-business sector, it’s also defined in social context. The literary background
  of this essay shows a historical overview of the development that occurred in the definition of
  innovation and its different interpretations.
  After exploring the literary background a quantitative, descriptive and explanatory statistic
  analysis will be written in a monothetic and deductive approach. In this phase of my research
  I will make macro level international comparative analyzes with the help of the EU and the
  WEF (World Economic Forum) data base (Innovation Union Scoreboard, illetve Global Competitiveness Index), and the SPSS software. This essay’s goal is to determine whether there is a
  connection between innovation processes and the forming of competitiveness on a macro level
  and if there is how it can be interpreted. Later with a similar goal and methodology I would like
  to make international micro level comparative analyzes and then by combining the macro and
  micro level results, I will determine how the macro level innovation policy influences the micro
  level innovativeness and competitiveness. Using all of these results I would like to determine the
  special features of the national innovation policy and the chances for optimalization.

• Electoral Systems in East Central Europe

  26-50

  Gyorgy Fabian

  Views:

  27

  The democratic transition in Eastern and Central Europe provides a good opportunity to
  examine how to apply the findings of the science of elections in a new dimension. This study
  based on 167 elections in 23 countries shows the formation, evolution and political consequences
  of the new electoral systems. The hypothesis of the paper is that the elections and electoral
  systems in this region not always correspond to the conventional wisdom. Our analysis divides
  into five parts the region (Central Europe, Western and Eastern Balkans, Baltic States and the
  other former republics of Soviet Union). This division helps to get an sophisticatad picture about
  the emergence and changes of the new electoral systems. By showing country by country we can
  demonstrate the similarities and differences between and within subgroups as well. Finally
  using three well-known indices (least square index, effective electoral and parliamentary
  number of parties) the study summarizes – country by country and subgroups by subgroups by
  type – the political consequences for the proportionality and party structure. The analysis of the
  167 elections demonstrates that Eastern and Central Europe does not show uniformity regarding
  the political consequences of the electoral systems. Their influence is more moderate than in the
  established democracies and they are also much more volatile. Their changes have shown rather
  diverging than converging trend in the last quarter century. The conventional findings are
  difficult to apply for this region, they are only partially valid, especially the formation of party
  structure differ from the previous experiences. In sum the Eastern and Central European elections
  do not invalidate the conventional statements of the elctoral studies but they offen do not show
  corresponding image. So they significantly contribute to the further development and refinement
  of the previous findings.

• Political development: what, why, how? A comparative framework for Hungarian history

  5-26

  Ervin Csizmadia

  Views:

  61

  The essay focuses on the comparative analysis of Hungarian political development before 1989–90. Instead of dealing with the 32 years since the change of regime, the author is interested in how many different interpretations of political development can be identified. The author singles out examples of political development in developed countries (for example the United States) as well as developing countries (those countries which have become decolonized in the 1960s). The starting point of the analysis is that Hungary cannot be described by either the categories used for developed countries or those that are used for developing ones. While the essay recognizes that the measure of progress at all times for Hungarian development is the example of Western development, it does not accept the approach according to which Hungarian development is a “dead-end” because it differs from Western development in many ways. The essay puts forward the hypothesis of the “normality” of Hungarian political development.