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  • Nagyvárad országgyűlési képviselete a dualizmus korában (1867–1918)
    5-18
    Megtekintések száma:
    0
    The study looks at the issue of Nagyvárad's parliamentary representation in the AustroHungarian Empire period, focusing primarily on the proportionality of the city's
    mandate numbers and the elected parliamentarians. In the first part of the paper, I
    examine the one parliamentary mandate owner Nagyvárad's elective franchise and
    elective geographical position in comparison with other cities having one mandate, and
    with similarly populated cities having two mandates. The consequence of the findings is
    that Nagyvárad (as well as Arad and Temesvár, which have similar social and economic
    geography features) could not get more seats in the Hungarian House of
    Representatives seeking a social status quo conservation due to its "modern bourgeois
    city" nature, and not because of the city's ethnic makeup.
    In the second part of the study, I analyze the party affiliation of Nagyvárad’s
    representatives, and through this, the urban voter behavior and the representatives
    themselves (Imre Szacsvay, György Lukács, Ágoston Tokody, Gyula Győrffy, István
    Teleszky, Kálmán Tisza, Béla Barabás, Endre Hlatky, Tamás Szokoly, Géza Hoványi).
  • A XX. század első országgyűlési választása Nagyváradon
    21-49
    Megtekintések száma:
    0
    The structure of the study is characterized by duality: it presents the whole election of 1901, and it also analyses the social distribution of the population participating in the parliamentary elections in Oradea. The appearance of the working class is one of the peculiarities of the parliamentary elections in Oradea. With the single vote they got, they did not really have a say in the competition, but they forecast their future presence in the political life of Hungary. Another characteristic feature is the outcome of the election of representatives: based onthe cast votes, the independentist Béla Barabás won against Kálmán Tisza. Based on a comparison of the list of electors and the number of votes, it became possible to examine the political behaviour and social distribution of those having the right to vote. According to the data, Tisza was supported by industrialists, a narrow spectrum of leaders in the administrative apparatus, and some part of the middle class, and he was less supported by the lower middle class. Barabás got support from the part of the middle class that was devoted to the conception of independence, and the majority of the lower middle class and peasantry.