Articles

• Homerische Träume und Herodoteische Traumdeutung

  7–9

  Zsigmond Ritoók

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  77

  It is not too probable that the interpretation of dreams to be read with Herodotus (VII, 6β) is of Persian origin. Nevertheless, the dreams told by Homer correspond to the Herodotean interpretation: The dreamer dreams by night of things which he concerns himself with by day.

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  60

• Logos – in die Seele geschrieben (Zu Platons Schriftkritik im Phaidros)

  11–24

  Attila Simon

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  78

  In Plato’s Phaedrus, in the context of the ‘critique of writing’ the phrase ‘writing in the soul’ occurs twice (276a5, 278A3). Why did Plato use this metaphor, with positive connotation, in a context which criticises ’writing’ in everyday sense? On the basis of the Phaedrus, I argue that the content of logos inscribed in the soul is not a philosophical doctrine, formulated in propositions, but the continuous practice of dialectic as the philosophical way of life. On the basis of the broader context of 5th and 4th century literary texts, I argue that Plato uses this metaphor as a cliché which emphasizes the importance of the content that should be inscribed in the soul for remembrance, even though the phrase is somewhat at odds with the narrower context.

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  85

• Mitys’ story

  25–32

  Maria Giovanna La Conte

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  47

  The Mitys’ story (Arist., Poet. 9, 1452a, 7-9), which exemplifies the dramatic θαυμαστόν, is likely to be the plot of a play that was really performed. This play antedates a feature of Hellenistic dramaturgy, viz. the choice of historical or contemporary events.

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• Der Mythos als Ursprache

  33–44

  Ibolya Tar

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  50

  After discussing some interpretations of myth (Burkert, Jensen, Jaspers, Eliade), the paper deals with the issue of myth’s appearance in literary works. The essential substance of a myth can appear in several treatments, according to the artist’s intention with regard to several interpretations. After a short survey of allegorical interpretations two myths (Orpheus and Eurydice, the golden age) are discussed in their several variations. In connection with the myth of the golden age Vergil’s works are examined to see whether in the Aeneid in particular he created a new myth or rather recreated the myth. In connection with this problem the distinction made between fable and sujet by the Russian formalists is discussed. In answer to the question whether a myth in its artistical appearance can be expressed verbally, Rilke and Hölderlin are cited.

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  68

• „Read the edge”: Acrostics in Virgil’s Sinon Episode

  45–72

  Neil Adkin

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  174

  Virgil’s famous Sinon episode at the start of Aeneid II contains four hitherto unidentified acrostics. Examination of these particular instances sheds light on Virgil’s acrostical practice in general.

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  157

• Hoc nemus ... habitat deus (Verg. Aen. 8, 351-352). : Presence des dieux dans la campagne virgilienne: qui sont les di agrestes?

  73–82

  Charles Guittard

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  70

  In the pastoral landscapes of the Geogics (particularly in this poem’s opening invocation), in the Eclogues, and in some descriptions of the Aeneid, for example when Aeneas visits the site of Rome with Evander (Verg., A. VIII 306-368), gods are present in nature, in the wild space, in the fields ; and the Roman feels the presence of undefined divinities. The pastoral and agricultural themes include many gods of the countryside and of agricultural life; Virgil calls them agrestum praesentia numina (G. I 10). This paper will focus on such divinities as Faunus, Pan and Silvanus. Links have been established between these divinities by way of interpretatio, especially between Faunus and the Greek god Pan. Faunus is present in the religious calendar of Rome (Lupercalia); the worship of Silvanus is also well attested in the Roman world. The concept of di agrestes, well attested in Virgil’s works, helps us to define a special category of gods, living in a special area, between civilization and wild space. Some of these divinities combine human and animal features.

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  54

• Proemi, tempi e tecniche delle Storie di Livio

  83–100

  Luigi Bessone

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  61

  Livy’s book I, first published on its own after January of 27, when Octavian received the title Augustus, republished probably with books II-V, to form a unified first pentad, was written roughly in the years 33-32, certainly before the battle of Actium. This is clear from certain passages and it casts light on Livy’s method, involving a long interval between writing and publication, with continuous revision of the text; books CXXI ff., editi post excessum Augusti, can thus have been composed in the years 6-14 A.D., when Livy went back to Padua.

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• Neue Beobachtungen zum Geschichtswerk des Iulius Florus als eines spätaugusteischen Autors

  101–137

  Holger Koch

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  91

  Baldwin (1988) summarized the main problems of Florus 25 years ago. These are still unsolved. They deal with the identification of the Flori, the date of Florus’ history and the correct title of the work. The most vexing of all the questions associated with the history is its date: Trajan (98-117 A.D.), Hadrian (117-138 A.D.) or Antoninus Pius (138-161 A.D.). An Augustan date has been plausibly proposed by Neuhausen (1992 and 1994) against the „communis opinio”. Following his studies I can explain and solve all the „anachronisms”, which were caused by the false dating of Florus to the second century A.D. According to Neuhausen’s and my own studies Florus’ history must therefore be dated after the consecration of Augustus (17th of September, 14 A.D.) [~ first edition]; the second edition came from the time of Trajan, because the preface contains two short interpolations with the name of this emperor at its end. The writer of the history has to be identified with Iulius Florus, the famous addressee of Horace’s two epistles. The original work probably has only one volume. The title Epitoma de Tito Livio bellorum libri duo is wrong and has to be changed into Rerum gestarum populi Romani breviarium or tabella.

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  61

• The Death of the actor: Marcus Ofilius Hilarius. Plin. NH VII 184–185

  139–147

  Ágnes Darab

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  40

  The name of Marcus Ofilius Hilarius occurs in no other source besides book VII of Pliny’s encyclopaedia. With this in mind, the narrative giving an extensive account of the death of the actor needs further explanation. The present paper takes a look at the narrower and broader context of this detail, which lends the story a meaning and a structuring function within the Naturalis Historia. This inquiry enables us to draw certain conclusions not only about book VII, but the whole encyclopedia as well.

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  37

• A Sardinien boundary dispute and agriculture

  149–157

  Levente Takács

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  42

  In AD 69 the proconsul Helvius Agrippa had to settle a boundary dispute between two small Sardinian communities. One of them, the Galillenses, were permitted to produce the tablet pertaining to the matter from the imperial archive. The inscription fails to mention if the Galillenses had taken any action to get the tabula from Rome. Specialist literature does not give any viable explanation for this absence. The conclusion may thus be drawn that the reason for the Galillenses’ attempt to delay ‘handing over’ pertains to the anticipated yield of some kind of investment they had made. The article tries to prove that the Galillenses attempted postponing the deadline with the aim of saving crops awaiting harvest.

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  57

• Some remarks about the morality of Roman provincial funerary poetry

  159–169

  Bence Fehér

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  48

  The morality/view of life of the ordinary provincial Roman is hard to discern; for the most part we must rely on the more literary inscriptions. The funerary verse inscriptions provide considerable material, but not individualized wording: they consist mostly of well-known patterns. At the same time these patterns form regionally different structure types; hence they can throw light upon the funeral customs of the different regions. In Pannonia there were two main poem types: one of early Carnuntum, and one of Aquincum in the 3rd c. The differences between these communities in the way they thought about death are clearly visible. There were very few individualized poems referring to personal feelings: two such are analysed here in detail (TAq 769, TAq 512).

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  146

• Romulus et Rémus, Pierre et Paul: Du fratricide à la concorde fraternelle

  171–178

  Dominique Briquel

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  82

  Ancient authors present the founding of Rome as done either by one conditor, Romulus, or by two conditores, Romulus and Remus. Use of singular or plural was not really significant, as everyone knew that the twin brothers had a different destiny and that Rome was founded, as such, by Romulus alone. But use of the plural conditores as founders of the city is common in Christian texts: it was a way for Christian authors to emphasize that from its very beginnings Rome was affected by crime of the most scandalous sort, Romulus killing his own brother. By contrast Christians could find in their own tradition a model of perfect brotherhood, or at least brotherhood in Christ, viz. Peter and Paul, who were the common founders of Roma Christiana. Peter and Paul were the figures that Christians could set against Romulus and Remus, as founders of the new Christian city.

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• Sasanian seals in Hungarian collections

  179–183

  Tamás Gesztelyi

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  58

  There are relatively few Sasanian seals in the Hungarian archaeological collections, and there is only one that was found in Hungary. Their review has been made timely by the appearance of a few pieces in the art trade. One of their characteristic motifs is the resting ram, but resting griffin and a winged szphinx also appear as motifs.

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  82

• Visigoths and Romans after 410

  185–194

  Melinda Székely

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  225

  In 410, the Roman Empire was shaken to its core after Rome was sacked by the Visigoths. The Barbarian attacks and the emergence of the usurpers created a severe crisis in the Western Roman Empire. The study of contemporary authors reveals that the crisis engendered a change in attitudes. For the Empire to be reconstructed, the traditional Roman, anti-barbarian attitude had to be changed, and living together and cooperating with the Goths was now a must. The change in attitude can be detected in Orosius’ work, a formerly anti-barbarian author who places Athaulf’s speech at Narbonne in the centre. The marriage of the Visigoth king with Galla Placidia (414), the Romanization of the Goths, their imperial service, and their new relationship with Romans as described in the speech is all a solid basis for a reestablishment of Goth-Roman relations and the creation of a new federal agreement, which actually took place in 418.

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  129

• Ennodius und Martial

  195–205

  Tamás Adamik

  Views:

  90

  Magnus Felix Ennodius, the bishop of Ticinum (modern Pavia), died in 521. He has left letters, poems, oratorical pieces, saints’ lives and controversial literature. Ennodius’ writings were composed for specific audiences on particular occasions. His Latinity is very literate, syntactically complex, and difficult to understand. He cultivates the short literary forms: letters, panegyrics, declamatory themes (dictiones), short poems, epithalamium, epigrams, epitaphs, hymns. In the preface of his epithalamium for Maximus, he displays the essential qualities of spring with Martial’s vocabulary. This fact directed my attention to the relation of Ennodius to Martial. Comparing Ennodius’s epigrams with Martial’s, I realized that in his epigrams Ennodius imitated Martial both in topics and expressions.

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  78

• Les professions de foi de Gerbert, pape Sylvestre II

  207–215

  Jean-Pierre Levet

  Views:

  59

  Sont étudiées, outre la profession de foi religieuse explicite prononcée par Gerbert lors de son accession au siège archiépiscopal de Reims en 991, toutes les professions de foi implicites et reconstituées qui ont jalonné son existence de philosophe, de savant, de penseur politique, d’érudit et de serviteur de l’Église universelle. Elles concernent la définition de la philosophia, la sagesse (sapientia), les sciences et en particulier la physique du nombre, l’unité des sciences, la morale et la politique, la culture gréco-latine, l’enseignement, le projet impérial, l’Europe, l’ Église et son unité, la Hongrie du roi saint Étienne.

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• Anmerkungen zu den Beziehungen der mittellateinischen und der ungarischen Textraditionen der Vita Margarite de Hungaria Ordinis Predicatorum

  217–225

  Ilona M. Nagy

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  38

  The oldest Latin legend of Saint Margaret of Hungary (legenda vetus, LV, about 1275) survived in only one manuscript, a copy found in Bologna, dated to the beginning of 15th century (1409-10). The text of the legend in the manuscript is in many places debased and to some extent shortened. This paper deals with the question how the Medieval Hungarian legend of Saint Margaret (the only surviving copy from 1510), which contains almost the complete text of LV in vernacular translation, can help in correcting the manuscript and reconstructing the original text of the oldest Latin legend. Medieval German translations of LV are also referred to. Some special problems of the edition (1937) are mentioned in this connection as well.

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  40

• Giovanni la Ravenna e il suo carteggio con Pier Paolo Vergerio

  227–240

  Adriano Papo

  Views:

  39

  Giovanni da Ravenna is one of the most distinctive and original humanists of the XIV century. He was born in 1343 in Buda, where his father, Conversino da Frignano, was employed as official doctor at the court of Louis I the Great. After the untimely death of his mother, Giovanni was taken to Ravenna, which became his adoptive town. His life was eventful, often given to pleasure: he was a restless traveller; he studied in Ravenna, Ferrara, Bologna, Padua; he taught in Bologna, Florence, Ferrara, Conegliano, Belluno, Udine, Venice, Padua, Muggia; he acted as notary in Florence and Ragusa, as chancellor in Padua at the court of Francis I of Carrara. He was also a model pedagogue. The aim of the present paper is to examine closely his correspondence with Pier Paolo Vergerio, who had been one of his students at Padua university. The main correspondence between the two humanists belongs to the period of Giovanni’s stay in the little Istrian town of Muggia (1406-1408), in the neighbourhood of Trieste, which he had already visited in September 1395 as ambassador of Francis I of Carrara.

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• L’ obscénité de Catulle 28 chez les commentateurs humanistes: Antonius Parthenius, Alexander Guarinus, Marcus Antonius Muretus

  241–260

  Ülo Siirak

  Views:

  72

  Pour un lecteur, un commentateur ou un éditeur humaniste, l’obscénité de Catulle nécessitait une approche spécifique. Cet aspect des commentaires et des éditions de Catulle de l’époque n’a pas encore été traité de façon systématique. Trois commentaires édités ont été choisis pour mieux illustrer la réaction vis-à-vis de l’obscénité, celui d’Antonius Parthenius ( Antonio Partenio, 1456-1506, commentaire édité en 1485), d’Alexander Guarinus (Alessandro Guarino, 1486-1556, commentaire édité en 1521) et celui de Marcus Antonius Muretus (Marc-Antoine (de) Muret, 1526-1585, commentaire édité en 1554). L’espace de temps entre la parution de ces commentaires, leurs points communs et leurs différences ont été décisifs pour le choix des commentaires. Catulle 28 est une poésie intéressante à analyser parce qu’elle contient des éléments spécifiques du vocabulaire obscène dont la compréhension nécessite une certaine maîtrise du sujet et aussi la volonté et le courage de braver les convenances.

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