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Die neueren Quellen von Persecutio Hungaricae
33-56Views:62The study focuses on the history and historiography of the Hungarian Galley Slaves. The
publication of their story by the Western European press made a huge impact on international Calvinism. In Hungary it went the opposite way, mainly for historical reasons. A
manuscript and its large amount of copies built a great legacy, thanks to the historical
research for the original documents (mentioned in texts by Bálint Kocsi Csergő and Ferenc
Otrokocsi Fóris) between the 17th and 20th century. Thus, the attitude of the Galley Slaves
indeed became a decisive image of Hungarian, reformed identity. -
„De Stefanuskroon niet Habsburgsch”: Alternatieven voor de oplossing van de Hongaarse ‘koningskwestie’ en de Nederlandse pers, 1919–1921
77-107Views:191Following the election of Miklós Horthy as Regent and the dethronement of Charles IV, a special public law situation developed in Hungary, during which the state form of the country remained, in fact, but no one had become authorized to occupy the Hungarian royal throne. The fact that a kingdom existed without a monarch in the heart of contemporary Europe served as an almost constant topic for the political and gossip columns of the domestic and international press, and also earned itself a prominent place among the conversation topics in the rather extensive network of European aristocracy. The importance of the Hungarian problem in the post-‘Great War’ period was also indicated by the lively interest taken by the diplomatic corps of some countries of the continent. Of course, many organizations and individuals tried to win their own ideas in the chaotic situation after the Trianon Treaty and get the Hungarian crown for their candidate or for themselves. This study attempts to introduce the Dutch press narratives in connection with the Hungarian ‘royal question’ between 1919 and 1921. During these years because of the fragile post-war Hungarian internal political situation this problem was at its most acute, and when most of the „candidates” and self-candidates for the Hungarian throne emerged. The paper also looks at the background to some of the motivations behind the candidates and how the news was spread in the international press of the time. The issue raised is of particular interest for the Hungarian-Dutch relations for two reasons. On one hand, there was a fundamental mutual sympathy between the two countries during this period. On the other hand, both countries were monarchies at the time, the public perception of a monarchical state about the predicament of another country with a similar form of government can tell us a lot about the public opinion of the time.
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Koning Sigismund en zijn gevolg in de Lage Landen – Nederlanders in Hongarije*
23-63Views:155The 1378 Great Western Schism gave a new direction to the Luxemburgs’ traditional pro-Valois politics. The House of Luxemburg took an abrupt turn away from the French orientation, who adhered to the obedience to the Avignon pope and were seeking for new partners. At the beginning of the 15th century, even amidst the Orléans-Armagnac vs. Burgundy antagonism, Sigismund had quite good contacts with the duke of Burgundy, probably stemming from their co-operation of the crusade of Nicopolis in 1396, the Flemish participation of which the article also investigates. Sigismund came closer to Burgundy at the Council of Constance, even though they had taken an opposite stand in important issues such as the inheritance of Brabant and Luxemburg. The Luxemburgs themselves also had possessions in the Low Countries, because in the 14th century the dynasty, besides Luxemburg, also owned the Duchy of Brabant and Limburg. In the 15th century, partly because of the Burgundians gaining substantial territories, they partially opposed their rights, thereby bringing forth conflicts within the Low Countries. The article explores the relations of the House of Burgundy with the provinces of the Netherlands, especially the county of Flanders and the Flemish cities. When it comes to ‘Burgundian’ contacts, it is fundamentally taken as relations with the Low Countries, particularly Flanders. The study examines the relationships that Sigismund maintained with the political figures of the Low Countries, especially the counts of Holland and Zeeland from the House of Wittelsbach, the duke of Gelderland and Juliers/Jülich asd well as the bishops of Utrecht and Lüttich/Luik. I also wish to shed light upon contacts beyond the scene of ‘high politics’. Although we can not speak of daily relations between Hungary and the provinces of the Low Countries, there were complex contacts. Hundreds of Flemish knights took up the Cross against the Ottomans and fought at Nicopolis, the campaign of which was also funded by 24 Attila Bárány the citizens of Flanders. A range of cities embraced a rather independent political track when supplied the Emperor with ships. Flemish or Dutch craftsmen built a river flotilla for Sigismund. Relations can be come across in the clergy: Dutch masters of theology and medicine were active in Hungary, most peculiarly contributing to the development of the university in Óbuda.